Travel Reference
In-Depth Information
According to McMahon (1995), contemporary
motherhood
is contested
terrain. It is often defined as a state of being, but women usually describe
their mothering as activity-based rather than identity-based (Maher, 2005).
Douglas and Michaels' (2004) analysis of the context for mothering outlines
unattainable ideals for 'moms' that promulgate standards of perfection
beyond their reach. Maume (2006) suggests that these cultural messages
have intensified with time in the popular literature, and women are now
deemed responsible for all aspects of preparing their children for adulthood.
This prevailing ideology of
intensive mothering
declares that mothering is
wholly child-centred, emotionally involving and time-consuming (Arendell,
2000). While mothers continue to exert more control over the organisation
of time in families, thus taking on a more traditional role, time negotiations
have become a more complex and demanding activity (Daly, 2002), such as
the struggle to meet the schedule demands of their children (Hochschild
& Machung, 1989). Also, mothers preserve time for interacting with their
children by accepting greater task density, in other words, working harder
than fathers (Craig, 2006). As a result, mothers want slower, high-quality
time with their children (Roxburgh, 2006). Cowdery and Knudson-Martin
(2005) suggest that many couples hold contradictory ideologies related to
parenting. These couples want fathers to be involved but the ideology of
mothering as a gendered talent perpetuates separate spheres of parenting
and gender inequality. The meaning of family time for mothers is thus
linked to the ideology of motherhood, which is intricately related to how
fatherhood is constructed.
The family literature on
fatherhood
has mushroomed since the 1990s
(Marsiglio
et al
., 2000). Most has been grounded in feminist concerns
regarding the division of labour, gender, power and fairness. Studies have,
in the main, been quantitative in nature (e.g. Blair & Johnson, 1992; Craig,
2006) and there has been less focus on the qualitative dimensions of father-
hood, such as the important social role of fathers in teasing, talking to and
teaching children (Lareau, 2000). Scholars have realised that fathering must
be understood in its own context and not simply as an adjunct to maternal
caring (Brotherson
et al
., 2005), yet research is still dominated by the
challenges faced by working mothers (Daly & Palkovitz, 2004). Social expec-
tations of the father 's role have changed considerably, from the father being
mainly an economic provider to now being the 'new father ' who is expected
to provide as much care to children as the mother (Yeung
et al
., 2001). This
led to a disjunction between the ideals and the realities of being a provider
and an engaged father, and a discrepancy between fathers' desire to spend
more time with their children and work constraints (Daly, 1996b; McDonald
& Almeida, 2004), which might explain why fathers are more likely than
mothers to feel time deficits with their children (Milkie
et al
., 2004). This all
points to conflicts experienced by fathers as they seek to navigate their work
and family lives while embracing greater responsibilities at home.
