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with the concept of 'closure', which means 'the existence of sufficient ties
between a certain number of people to guarantee the observance of norms'
(Portes, 1998: 6). Closure is a form of social control and a reliable frame
for the judgement of actions within a certain group. Close social control
might, on the one hand, guarantee the smooth functioning of the network,
but, on the other, it may also imply conformity. To integrate with a certain
group, its members might have to assimilate, and 'deviant' individuals may
not be allowed access to the group. Closure thus protects the interests of
the insiders of a group, but can also reduce the chances of outsiders to be
allowed into it. This illustrates the link between social capital, closure and
social exclusion, and even the link between social exclusion, poverty and
social capital. Putnam argues that 'precisely because poor people (by defini-
tion) have little economic capital and face formidable obstacles in acquiring
human capital (that is: education), social capital is disproportionately
important to their welfare' (Putnam, 2000: 318). Their exclusion might thus
have greater consequences, as they often lack the other forms of capital to
form the valuable connections. Not only their psychological well-being is
affected; economists have developed an impressive body of research which
suggests that 'social ties can influence who gets a job, a bonus, a promotion
and other employment benefits' (Putnam, 2000: 319). This means that
social networks are often absent for people who need them the most: the
unemployed, the excluded, the poor and so on.
In recent studies, mainly in the field of education and learning, the terms
'family capital' and 'family-based social capital' have been used to define
the nature and value of social capital within the family. Parcel and Dufur
(2001: 882) describe the concept as 'the bonds between parents and children
that are useful in promoting child socialization. [It] reflects the time and
attention parents spend in interaction with children, in monitoring their
activities, and in promoting child well-being, including academic achieve-
ment.' As such, it refers to parental resources used in the socialisation
process. These parental resources are distinguished from 'parental financial
capital such as family financial resources, and from human capital such as
parental years of schooling' (Parcel & Dufur, 2001: 883). This means that
families on low incomes or parents with limited schooling are not necessar-
ily low on family capital. Family capital is determined by the stability of the
family, on the one hand, and the social contacts of the parents, on the other
hand. Family capital 'is greater when the family system is characterized by
time-closure; when the parents' commitment to each other is long term,
children benefit from the stability of the union. In addition, children benefit
from continued exposure to the social connections parents have with others
outside the family group, such as neighbours, school personnel or work col-
leagues' (Parcel & Dufur, 2001: 882-883).
For socially excluded families, both stability within the family unit and
social contacts can be particularly problematic. In families where the family
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