Perceptions of Ethnic Minorities on Tree Growing for Environmental Services in Thailand - Smallholder Tree Growing for Rural Development and Environmental Services - page 403

uses of trees and aesthetic aspects, in addition to the variety of ecological services
(cf. Griffen 2001). From the local people's point of view, environmental protection
was a significant benefit from planting trees, but economic profits could also be
gained from planting fruit trees on farms.
Planting trees was not a common practice in the traditional slash-and-burn culti-
vation systems that had been practised in the villages; fallows were typically left to
regenerate naturally. The Karen and Lawa, however, reported that sometimes bam-
boos were planted to accelerate natural regeneration and for their multiple uses.
Moreover, in some traditional swidden systems large trees were left standing in the
fields when the sites were prepared for cultivation.
Fruit trees and other trees providing commodities have traditionally been
planted in home gardens and within the village. Planting trees in permanent
fields, however, was fairly infrequent, although in each village some farmers
planted fruit trees. The main reasons for the somewhat infrequent adoption of
agroforestry systems included small farm sizes, insecure land rights, and better
short-term profits from other cash crops (cf. Ekasingh and Ekasingh 2001).
Furthermore, in a protected area the cutting of trees would be technically illegal.
On the other hand, fruit production for commerce requires road connections to
markets. Another reason for the low adoption rates may be the lack of informa-
tion on the advantages of agroforestry among former swiddeners (Douglas 2006).
Nevertheless, agroforestry practices and tree planting were often adopted sponta-
neously by those farmers who had the necessary resources. Hmong farmers, in
particular, were active in experimenting with new crops and farming systems.
Fruit trees were most often the focus of farmers' interest. In addition, both gov-
ernment and NGO projects had been initiated to encourage tree growing in vil-
lages and farms.
Agroforestry practices found in the area, in addition to the type in traditional
swiddens, typically included home gardens, trees or bamboos on farms as shelter-
belts, living fences and farm boundary markers, and systems combining fruit trees
with other crops, such as cabbage, maize ( Zea mays L.) or taro ( Colocasia esculenta
(L.) Schott). The fruit trees in permanent fields were often introduced temperate or
subtropical species, such as litchi ( Litchi chinensis Sonn.), peach ( Prunus persica
(L.) Batsch) and mandarin ( Citrus reticulata Blanco), which were becoming
increasingly popular. In addition, tropical species, such as mango ( Mangifera
indica L.) and longong ( Lansium domesticum Corr.), were grown on fields.
Fruit trees are also common in home gardens but mostly local species have been
favoured and have typically been mixed with field crops and vegetables. Species
found from home gardens included mango, jackfruit ( Artocarpus heterophyllus
Lam.), tamarind ( Tamarindus indica L.) and pomelo ( Citrus maxima Merr.). Home
gardens have traditionally been common among the Karen and Lawa (FAO 1996).
The Hmong have traditionally had a communal herb garden in the village, where
the frequently used herbs are grown with other valuable plants. Among all forest
dwellers, one traditional agroforestry system formerly practised was letting domes-
tic animals find their food from the surrounding forests, particularly fallows, but
today the practice is forbidden in areas protected by government law.