Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
stages in the economic cycle (Stewart 1996; Jimenez 1999; Wilkes et al.
2007). The proportion judging that there are too many immigrant landings
reached a high of 69 percent during economic recession in 1983, but fell to
57 percent with a stronger economy in 1990. Renewed recession inflated
negative attitudes to a peak of 70 percent in 1993, but they fell back to 46
percent in 1996 and 38 percent in 1999 with an improving economy. There
is no simple relationship between these attitudes and the number of new
arrivals, for, despite high disapproval of the numbers, 1983 recorded the
lowest level of landings and also the largest share of European immigrants.
Closer to the intent of the Australian surveys, a question expected to give
a sharper indication of racism ('Non-whites should not be allowed to immi-
grate to Canada') was asked in polls between 1989 and 1996. Overall the
numbers in agreement with the statement averaged about 9 percent and fell
during the period (Palmer 1998). In Vancouver the share of these hard-core
exclusionists was 5 percent, the lowest in Canada. A later Vancouver survey
showed that over 70 percent of respondents agreed that immigrants and
refugees make a positive impact, and almost 80 percent concurred that
immigration strengthens Canadian culture (Hiebert 2003).
The large surveys show the complexity of the distribution of opinions
unfavourable to immigration, and offer a rough estimate of racist attitudes.
Negative attitudes vary by location and socio-economic status, while their
frequency fluctuates according to external conditions, and in particular at
different stages in the economic cycle. In addition the Australian analysis
suggests that some immigrants bear racist tendencies no less than the native-
born. What is clear from this research is the implausibility of reducing the
character of any large segment of the population to an inherent and invari-
able racist personality (Satzewich 2007).
Multicultural Whitewash?
Yet this is commonly the project of whiteness studies (Bonnett 2000;
Rothenberg 2002; Shaw 2007). Surveys may disclose individual attitudes,
more or less accurately, but they provide little insight into structural causes
and effects. Whiteness studies move beyond individual attitudes to regard
the institutional matrix of society where either hidden or taken-for-granted
norms exist that offer moral, political, cultural or economic advantage to
those defined as white. Two geographers have attempted to define white-
ness as 'the normative, ordinary power to enjoy social privilege by control-
ling dominant values and institutions, and, in particular, by occupying space
within a segregated social landscape' (Kobayashi and Peake 2000). The
allusion to occupying space is a useful reference point for the neighbour-
hood events we shall consider shortly.
