Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
can be confident that the data refer primarily to these groups. Even though
employing very conservative procedures, the results showed not only meagre
levels of income,
26
but also that in the landing years from 1980 to 1995 a
median number of at least 32 percent of business class tax-filers in British
Columbia declared no earnings at all from either employment or self-
employment, a figure that contrasted unfavourably with the lower median
value of 22 percent for all immigrants and refugees. Again we see that those
immigrants with the greatest level of economic capital reported the lowest
level of economic activity.
The analysis revealed a second point of slippage in the record of business
immigration, taking it far from the official goal of accelerating economic
development. Tax-filer returns tabulate a total national population of about
125,000 business immigrants and family members, landing between 1980
and 1995, who are represented in the 1995 tax returns. But landing cards
indicate a very much larger number who entered Canada through this
period, in the vicinity of 240,000 persons. What lies behind this substantial
erosion of the tax-filer sample? Clearly large numbers of households who
landed in the business class during this period did not file returns in 1995.
A plausible interpretation considered further in Chapter 8 is that a signifi-
cant number of them were no longer in Canada. Either they had moved
on to a third country, most commonly the United States, or they had returned
to their country of origin. Surveys of intentions undertaken in Hong Kong
in the early 1990s, prior to emigration occurring, revealed a strong desire for
a temporary departure that would quickly lead to return.
27
The missing
entries from tax-filer returns in Canada suggest that after briefly entering the
accounting topics in Canada, many migrants followed through on this plan.
This whole regime of temporary and circular migration among the busi-
ness class from East Asia is not particular to Canada. Australia and New
Zealand, competitors for millionaire migrants from East Asia, have recorded
a similar set of outcomes. In general, wealthy migrants from Hong Kong
and Taiwan have achieved only modest economic success in both countries;
in New Zealand, Ip (2003: 352) has described their status as 'grim' (also,
Ho and Bedford 1998; Ip, Wu and Inglis 1998; Burrill 2000; Ip 2001;
Chiang 2004). On the other hand it is quality of life and a western educa-
tion for their children that has been prioritized over economic opportunities
(Ip and Friesen 2001). As in Canada, astronaut commuting and temporary
migration followed by return are integral to a transnational encounter with
space (Mak 1997; Pe-Pua et al. 1998; Ho 2000; Ho, Ip and Bedford 2000).
Anita Mak's (2001) study of over 100 Hong Kong professionals and man-
agers in several Australian cities revealed that over a third were considering
return, joining colleagues who had already moved back. In an identical out-
come to Canada's, a small sample of Taiwanese had migrated to Australia
for an enhanced quality of life and superior education for their children;
